@article{oai:sgul.repo.nii.ac.jp:00003139,
 author = {奥谷, 浩一},
 issue = {109},
 journal = {札幌学院大学人文学会紀要 = Journal of the Society of Humanities},
 month = {Feb},
 note = {謝花昇は沖縄の近代社会運動の先駆者である。明治期の沖縄では，いわゆる「琉球処分」によって琉球王国が廃止されて行き場を失った貧窮士族の救済を目的として，「杣山」の開墾事業が開始される。沖縄県庁の高等官・技師謝花昇は，沖縄県知事奈良原繁のもとで「杣山」開墾の事務取扱主任としてこの事業を推進する立場に立っていた。しかし，謝花と奈良原との間に潜在的にあった齟齬と対立が次第に顕在化する。謝花がこの開墾事業を純粋に農民と貧窮士族の救済のために遂行しようとし，期限付き無償貸与と「杣山」の森林環境に対する配慮という条件下で推進したが，時の権力者奈良原の側はそうではなかったからである。奈良原はこの開墾事業を土地整理事業の前段階と見なし，土地整理が終了した後は開墾地を払い下げて私有化することを目論んでいた。両者の対立は，やがて土地整理事業の推進過程で，奈良原側が「官地民木」を謳い文句にして農民たちを欺瞞し，彼らの反対と抵抗を押し切って，「杣山」を官有林に組み入れる政策を行うに及んで，決定的になる。これに対して謝花が主張したのが「民地民木」論である。そのために謝花は県庁を退職してこれと闘うことになる。謝花のこの「民地民木」論は敗北した。しかし，農民たちが自前で保護・管理・育成し，彼らの生活の糧でもあった「杣山」は農民たちによって共同所有されるべきだという彼の「民地民木」論は，現在のわが国の森林政策の行き詰まりと国有林の危機，これによる森林環境の国土保全力の低下，そして森林を地球的規模の公共財と考えるさいに，多くの手掛かりと暗示とを提供してくれるように思われる。本論文では，この「民地民木」をめぐる謝花昇の闘いの軌跡を追求するとともに，現在の環境論または環境思想から見た場合の彼の「民地民木」の意義を考察することにしたい。, Noboru Jahana pioneered a modern social movement in Okinawa. In Okinawa in the Meiji era (1868-1912), somayama forests (mountain forests co-managed by villages or the like for producing timber) began to be cultivated as part of relief measures for povertystricken samurai families who could no longer receive salaries after the Ryūkyū Kingdom was abolished in the Ryūkyū Disposition. Noboru Jahana, an engineer and high-ranking official of the Okinawa prefectural government, promoted a somayama cultivation project as chief acting director working under Shigeru Narahara, the governor of Okinawa. In the course of a subsequent project for dividing land into government-owned land and private land, the latent conflict between Jahana and Narahara gradually became apparent. Narahara and those siding with him deceived farmers under the slogan of Kanchiminboku, an idea for mixed-ownership forests, whereby forestland would be owned by the state, while farmers would have the right to use the stumpage on the land. The rift between Jahana and Narahara became clear when Narahara overrode resistance from farmers and implemented policies for incorporating somayama forests into government-owned land. In protest against Narahara, Jahana advocated Minchiminboku, an assertion that somayama and its stumpage should be jointly owned by farmers because they had been collaborating in growing, protecting and using timber. Jahanaʼs idea of Minchiminboku eventually failed. But Jahana insisted that somayama forests, which were grown, managed and protected by farmers, also should provide farmers with a way to make a living and thus that these forests should be jointly owned by farmers. When we think of the current forest policy gridlock and the critical situation of national forests, Jahanaʼs Minchiminboku seems to offer many ideas for solutions to various problems. His idea undoubtedly has major implications for how people nowadays, who regard forests as global-level public goods, see their environment. This paper traces the history of Jahanaʼs struggle for Minchiminboku and considers the significance of Minchiminboku from the viewpoint of contemporary environmental theory and environmental thought., Bulletin, 論文, Articles},
 pages = {1--36},
 title = {「杣山」の「民地民木」をめぐる謝花昇の闘い（1）},
 year = {2021}
}